Here is a thesis written by Naima Mouhleb at the University of Oslo, Norway. We reproduice an exerpt of her work. You can read the full thesis in PDF attached to this article. Few has been written about North Africa and Kabylia, therefore every works are important and valuable.

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2. The language situation in Algeria

2.1 Arabic and arabicization

Algeria defines itself as part of the Arab and Muslim world. The majority of the populationa re Arabophone and speak a vernacular variety of Arabic. In addition, a minority of Berberophones speak a variety of Berber languages and dialects. The French language has also a prominent position in society, which it has retained from the colonial period. The only formal language that is officially recognized by the state is Standard Arabic or al—arabiyya al-fu—a in its modern form, which is used in news broadcasts, most publications as well as being the preferred speech in formal contexts. The use of the ‘classical’ form is used in religious and literary recitations(7).

Algeria has since independence engaged in some of the most extensive and strict arabicization programs in the Maghrib8. It has largely been aimed at eradicating the French (and thereby colonial) influence. During the colonial period, it was difficult for Algerians to receive any other education than in French. On the eve of independence, few were literate in Arabic, including members of the new power elite. Ironically, at the same time the Arabic language and Islamic religion were the two elements that served as the liberation movement’s ideological and national framework. Islam probably facilitated much of the success of this strategy, as most Algerians are Muslim. The focus on Islam and the Arabic language(10) continued in the new Algerian state as a means for cementing unity and, importantly, distancing the Algerian nation from France (Grandguillaume, 1983 & Stora, 1994, 2001).

Many political analysts have pointed to how post-colonial states often retain much of the political system and administration ‘inherited’ by the colonial powers. Grandguillaume (1997) states that the French political model, referred to as the Jacobin model9 was introduced to the region by colonialism and influenced the later independent state model. The Jacobin(9)model implies a centralized administration and a national language that symbolizes the national unity. The associated language planning, typically applied from the top down, promotes a Universalist message that according to Gill (1999: 122) denies ethnicity while symbolizing not only national unity but also concepts like progress, liberty and civilization.

Hence, the political importance of language and the arabicization programs. President Houari Boumedienne, who initiated the most radical arabicization processes, perhaps most precisely defined the arabicization project. According to Boumedienne:

“the transformation of the Algerian man and the recovery of his identity’, should be done by ‘actively pursuing the program of arabicization previously embarked on, which constitutes an essential instrument for the restoration of our national personality and which must come out from the use of the national language in all areas of economic, social and cultural life”(10)

By national language, Boumedienne does not refer to the vernacular, al—ammiyya, which the majority of the population speaks in different varieties. Algerians were on the contrary supposed to find their ‘authentic identity’ through using modern classical Arabic, al—arabiyya al-fu—a. However, this variety has no native speakers in the sense of a vernacular usage as a mother tongue. Gill refers to the post-independence regimes in the Maghrib as having a dual discourse in their language policies. There were two sides to the arabicization project, namely that of modernity and that of tradition. While arabicization of the administration and school system occurred in the name of progress and modernization, arabicization was given a ‘sacred’ rationale and purpose that was essential for the de-colonization process (Gill, 1999). In this regard, tradition was invoked. Arabic dialects could not compete with French, the colonial language, in terms of formality as a standardized, written language. However, classical Arabic could compete with French in terms of standardization, and as a transmitter of ‘high culture’. In the classical Arabic written tradition, the state found a body of literature, arts and sciences that could match French, as well as a highly stylized and standardized language. The modernization of classical Arabic was thus thought to be the way forward while at the same time anchoring the Algerians to a ‘glorious past’. Moreover, the arabicization process would link Algeria to the wider Arab nation - whose cultural bonds were hannelled through the common standard language. On the other hand, Grandguillaume (1983) comments that it is in the mother tongue that the individual is socialized. He attaches great importance to the identity of the individual as linked to the mother tongue. An identity, he claims, that demands to be recognized despite being frowned upon by the state. The linguistic policy of demoting the mother tongue has an impact on the socialization of individuals. Monolingual Berber or dialectal Arabic speakers may feel that they are ‘left behind’ in the competition for authenticity and modernity, as their languages are disregarded. To them, a language barrier, and thereby a social barrier still exists despite the departure of colonialism (Gill, 1999). An example of such a view is Mme Barki, the leader of Iqr-a, an NGO that combats illiteracy among adults, especially women. For her pupils, she argued, learning to read Standard Arabic is more difficult than if they could have learned to read in their own dialect. In view of this, she would prefer dialectal Arabic as the official language (interview, 30 May 2005, Alger). Popular ray music also uses dialect explicitly as Benrabah has shown (1999). The music often portrays the everyday problems of ordinary people. Several ray-singers have highlighted the pride and defiance in using the dialect, which is defined as non-prestigious, rather than the more prestigious standard, despite how this is reflects upon them as uneducated (“pas instruite”) in the eyes of the state. Benrabah cites, among other interviews, the ray-singer, Khaled. According to Benrabah, Khaled explains that he sings bel arbiya ddarja loahraniya nta na (the transcription is Benrabah’s own, 1999: 203). In Standard Arabic, he would probably have said something along the lines of bil—arabiyya al-dariga al-wahraniyya -indana. A translation can be ‘in the Wahran Arabic dialect that is ours’. Benrabah translates the meaning of ‘nta na’ as ‘bien de chez nous’.

The arabicization project has been set down in the constitution11. Article two in the 1996 constitution states that “Islam is the religion of the state” al—islam din al-dawla and article three states that “the Arabic language is the national and official language” al-lu-a al-arabiyya hiya al-lu-a al-wa-aniyya wa al-rasmiyya. However, these articles have been subject to several revisions. In the 1976 version of the constitution ……….

http://www.prio.no/page/Project_detail/CSCW_Staff_alpha_ALL/9244/46191.html

- 7 All Arab societies display a linguistic phenomenon called diglossia. Arabic diglossia consists of two coexisting or parallel varieties of the Arabic language. A ‘high variety’ (H) called al—arabiyya l-fus-a, often referred to as Standard Arabic. It is a modern variety of Classical Arabic, and a ‘low variety’ (L) called al—ammiyya or in Algeria al-darija, usually referred to as dialect. The L variety is the spoken variety and the H variety is the written variety. H can also be spoken, most often in formal academic or religious contexts (Ferguson, 1959). In all Arab countries, the H variety is set down as official language. Most importantly in the Algerian case is that Arabic is the prestigious and up until 2002, the only recognized language in the state.
- 8 The Maghrib consists of Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia and considers itself part of the Arab world.
- 9 The Jacobin model stems from the French Third Republic. The model was built on modernist universalism and an elimination of regional idioms and eradication of minority cultures. This is sometimes referred to as an ‘internal imperialism’ by critics (Gill, 1999: 124).
- 10 El Moudjahid 15.05.1974, in Adamson, 1998: 206.
- 11 All the excerpts from the constitution are taken from the Algerian government official website http://www.conseilconstitutionnel-dz.org/Arabe/IndexArab.htm, accessed 22 November 2005